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Pierre Poilievre vs Pierre Poilievre

Pierre Poilievre has long prided himself on not changing or moderating his beliefs during his two decades in politics. If he's going to survive this election, he'll need to build a bridge and get over that — fast. Photo by: Natasha Bulowski

Pierre Poilievre has been witness to a lot of change over the 21 years he’s served as a member of Parliament. He proudly resisted most of it, whether it’s changes to our social norms and mores or changes to how we see our own country and its past. That helped him win the leadership of his party and build a seemingly insurmountable lead in the polls, and it surely reaffirmed his belief in the value of intellectual and ideological consistency. 

But life has a funny way of turning our strengths into weaknesses, and often at the worst possible time. If Poilievre wants to win an election he probably never thought he could lose, he’s going to have to do more than just roll out some new slogans and riff on his disdain for the Liberals. Instead, after a political lifetime defined by a resistance to change, he’ll now have to find a way to embrace it — and fast. 

That’s because the pugilistic and partisan personality that Poilievre has cultivated over the years isn’t fit for purpose in a moment where Canadians clearly crave unity and decency. According to the latest results from Angus Reid that give Mark Carney’s Liberals an eight-point lead, Poilievre’s net favourability rating is a staggering negative 24.

It’s actually worse than that, given that there are more people who have a “very unfavourable” view of him (44 per cent) than those who have a “favourable” (18 per cent) or “very favourable” (17 per cent) view, suggesting his personal unpopularity could bleed down into individual ridings — a 180-degree change from a few months ago when candidates could have expected to ride his coattails to victory. His numbers are somehow getting worse, too, with almost three times as many respondents saying their opinion of him has worsened (37 per cent) rather than improved (13 per cent) over the last few weeks.   

It would be difficult for any political leader to pull off a personality pivot in the midst of an election campaign. It might be impossible for Poilievre, who bragged about the durability of his political views and ideas during a January interview with MAGA philosopher Jordan Peterson. “Look back at everything I’ve done for my entire political career, to the time I was a teenager, and I’ve been saying precisely the same thing the entire time.”

He cited the winning essay he wrote as a 20 year old for Magna International’s “As Prime Minister….” contest, one in which he preached the virtues of smaller government and more personal freedom. “When I launched my leadership race, I literally had the same language in my leadership launch speech that I had put in that essay 22 or 23 years earlier,” he told Peterson. That essay hit on themes that Poilievre has pursued ever since, from the importance of reducing taxes to the belief that “a dollar left in the hands of consumers and investors is more productive than a dollar spent by a politician or bureaucrat.”

There may have been a time when Canadians were willing to countenance the idea of electing a prime minister whose intellectual development apparently ended when he was in university. But with the threat of Trumpism looming over everything and Canadian voters gravitating towards the adults in the political room, that time is clearly in the past. As political writer Paul Wells noted on his Substack, “I’ve changed my mind about most things since I was a child. This weekend Poilievre will apply for adult responsibilities. He’s spent years chasing adults away from him. It’s a problem.”

Pierre Poilievre's big image makeover helped him build a lead in the polls. Now that he's behind in the race, he'll have to try something even more radical: changing the way he thinks about things.

Poilievre will now have to confront that problem head-on, and within the hyper-pressurized environment of an election campaign no less. Can he actually grow and change in ways that extend beyond replacing his glasses and smiling more frequently, or is he the same person he’s always been — and will always be? Can he lose the bottomless reserves of contempt and hostility that have infused his political interventions and replace them with things like humility and generosity? Or to paraphrase one of his political heroes, Margaret Thatcher, is the gentleman simply not for turning? 

One can’t help but wonder what the 20-year-old version of Pierre Poilievre would say to his modern self. If I had to guess, I’d suggest he would encourage his older counterpart to stick to his guns, remain true to his values, and refrain from anything that even remotely resembles a compromise. At this point, and after listening to his younger self for so long, I’m not sure he knows how to do anything else. 

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