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The NDP needs more economic literacy

NDP leader Jagmeet Singh is staring at his party's potential ruin. If it comes to pass, it'll be in part due to his own conspicuous lack of economic fluency — and Mark Carney's obvious mastery of the subject. Photo by Alex Tetrault

Orange crush, meet orange crash. Barring some sort of divine political intervention, Jagmeet Singh’s NDP is heading towards its worst election result of the 21st century — one that could be highlighted (or lowlighted, perhaps) by Singh losing his own seat. In hindsight, his decision not to pull the plug on Parliament last fall may go down as the biggest blunder in Canadian political history.

If Canadians elect a majority government, as seems most likely right now, the federal NDP will have four years to replace Singh and rebuild the party. If it wants to contend for real political power in the future, it ought to prioritize something in its next leader that has been manifestly lacking in its current one: economic literacy. 

The Singh NDP has, after all, been conspicuously indifferent to concepts such as job creation and economic growth. Instead, it has been relentlessly focused on how Canada ought to divide up its existing economic pie, and whether Galen Weston Jr. in particular deserves such a large slice of it. The result has been an erosion of the party’s support among blue-collar voters, with most fleeing to Pierre Poilievre’s Conservative Party of Canada and its promise of lower taxes and bigger paycheques. 

This vulnerability became particularly evident once Justin Trudeau, another leader with a less-than-enthusiastic approach to economics, left office. With Mark Carney in office and a more explicitly pro-growth agenda on the table, Singh’s NDP started hemorrhaging voters from both flanks, with the party’s older supporters suddenly flocking to the Liberal tent. 

There wasn’t much Singh could do here once the election was called, but his policy proposals — such as they are — have only served to confirm his key weakness. The idea of creating “Victory Bonds”, for example, ignores the fact the federal government is not actually having trouble raising money in the bond market, as it did during World War II. If anything, it’s the opposite, with the Trump administration’s chaos making Canada’s bonds seem more attractive. That helps explain why the Department of Finance launched a five-year US$3.5 billion global bond in March — one that saw an order book of US$13.9 billion, which indicates significant excess demand for the product. 

Then there was Singh’s position on the so-called “corporate landlords” he blames for the rental crisis in Canada. He promised to implement national rent control — an area that falls under provincial jurisdiction — and crack down on “corporate landlords and their predatory practices.” Alas, this would almost certainly stifle investment in new rental construction that’s required to actually reduce prices in a meaningful and lasting way. In Austin, Texas, for example, a city with its share of corporate landlords has seen rents fall 22 per cent from the peak in 2023 — and that despite continued immigration from other parts of the United States. Why? A massive increase in its housing supply. 

It’s not just the NDP that needs to raise its economic game. The Green Party, which continues its long flirtation with political relevance, is no better on this front. Mike Morrice, the Green MP for Kitchener-Centre, told CBC’s The House that “the federal government just wasted $34 billion building a pipeline that will never have an economic return.” 

Jagmeet Singh's leadership of the NDP has been marked by an indifference to most economic issues — and a total lack of fluency in some of them. When the party gets around to selecting his replacement, it might want to remember that.

This is verifiably false, as University of Calgary professor Trevor Tombe explained in a recent analysis of the project. “Despite the cost increases,” he wrote, “it’s not a stretch to see a scenario where this pipeline is worth more than the $4.5 billion that Canada bought it for back in 2018.” That’s before taking into account its impact on the royalties and corporate taxes these oil companies pay. “The entire cost of the pipeline is more than compensated for by higher GDP after only a few years of operation,” Tombe writes. “Not a bad return.”

Indeed. Acknowledging these inconvenient truths about the economics of pipelines or the realities of rent control doesn’t mean progressives have to abandon their priorities. It doesn’t mean surrendering to the market or yielding to the capitalist imperative. It just means trying to understand how they work and crafting ideas and arguments that actually take them into account. 

Progressives can, and should, still care deeply about climate change, affordable housing and any number of other issues that aren’t automatically aligned with the priorities of the business elite. They just need better arguments to make their case — and to avoid using ones that make them look like they either don’t understand economics or don’t care to understand them. At a time when economic uncertainty and anxiety abounds, that’s a very dangerous place for a political party or movement to live. 

If they need more convincing, they can just look at the Liberal Party of Canada’s remarkable resurrection under Mark Carney. His 2021 book Values is, after all, largely about exploring the tension between markets and society and finding ways to use the former in service of the latter. His knowledge of markets and capitalism make him both a more reliable source and a more effective critic. It may well lead him to a majority government in two weeks' time — and the NDP to political ruin in the process. 

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