I’m a city councillor. Here’s what Carney can learn from local government

Prime Minister Mark Carney and the incoming Liberal government could learn a lot from the coalitions and non-partisan nature of local governments.

In contrast to most Western democracies, towns and cities in Canada have mostly managed to remain free of political parties. There are, of course, some exceptions, including Vancouver and Surrey, which have bespoke municipal parties. But at least in BC, the councils with political parties tend to be the most divided and politicized, and unfortunately reproduce the same type of partisanship that hamstrings higher orders of government. 

In Victoria, where I serve as a city councillor, the city currently has no municipal parties, which allows for consensus-building and decision-making free from political interference. A local Redditor recently crunched the numbers and found that nine of us vote the same way over four-fifths of the time. As a political progressive, I apparently vote the same way as the most right-leaning member of council 83.7 per cent of the time. This fact reflects the many routine procedural votes that exist at all levels of government, but it also demonstrates the ability of people with divergent worldviews to reach consensus most of the time. 

This does not mean that all nine members of Victoria City Council are always on the same page. We’re not, and we often disagree strenuously on important matters and occasionally engage in bun fights, which are always well-covered by the local media. (There’s a reason that “Airplane Lands Safely at Airport” is never a headline.) But the absence of partisanship removes barriers to getting on the same page about the important things. I answer to the public, not a party, and that is a very freeing feeling. 

In our case, the current council has approved more than 8,000 units of housing, required all new buildings to be electrified, successfully passed a referendum to replace the aging Crystal Pool, and invested millions in downtown arts, safety and revitalization. None of these things would have happened in a council hopelessly divided by partisanship. 

I tend to think of political parties in the same way that I think of street gangs — beset by tribalism, turf wars and primordial grievances — right down to the colour-coded uniforms and catchy slogans. (The Conservatives are the Crips and the Liberals are the Bloods.) 

We are in a national moment when the average Canadian does not give a toss about partisanship. What Canadians want is an effective response to the housing and affordability crisis; lasting and impactful climate action; meaningful action on reconciliation; and above all, a staunch defence of Canadian sovereignty and the national interest. It is no surprise that the politicians of diverse political stripes – Premiers David Eby and Wab Kinew (NDP), Doug Ford (PC), and Prime Minister Carney (Liberal) – who have advocated for Canada’s sovereignty and national interest, have enjoyed a bump in approval ratings.  

While I’m under no illusions that political parties will magically disappear at the federal level, I do think the existential threat represented by the Trump regime offers an opportunity to do things differently. 

What was the point of the last several months of drama and political turmoil if we’re simply going to return to a bog-standard Liberal-NDP CASA arrangement? 

Historically, Canada doesn’t really do coalitions, but it’s never too late to start. Barring a major change in the recounts, it looks like the Liberals will end up with 169 seats in Parliament, four short of the 172 needed to pass legislation. 

What I propose is for the Liberals to create the first-ever coalition in modern Canadian history. 

Offer Speaker of the House to a member of the Conservative Party as a gesture of unity. There is little to suggest that Pierre Poilievre would go for it, but the gesture itself would mean something. (I think Joe Clark or Brian Mulroney would have gone for it.) If that fails, offer Speaker to Don Davies, the long-time NDP MP from Vancouver and the party’s interim leader. Davies is a level-headed lawyer who is entirely qualified for the role. 

More importantly, Carney could offer four members of the opposition positions as parliamentary secretaries in an effort to create greater stability for a four-year term. Having members of minority parties in government would give those parties a sense of ownership over the success of the mandate, and could decrease the risk that a junior CASA partner decides suddenly to pull the plug on the Liberals. 

Imagine a cabinet that gave parliamentary secretaries a greater role, even if they weren’t formally a part of the Privy Council. Those secretaries could include Elizabeth May (Greens) on climate adaptation, Nathalie Sinclair-Desgagné (Bloc) on Quebec interests, Jenny Kwan (NDP) on immigrant integration, and Alexandre Boulerice (NDP) on labour relations. 

It would require the Green, NDP and Bloc members to act as team players and accept two realities: 1) Their parties currently have little leverage, and in the case of the Greens and NDP, were nearly wiped from the electoral map, and 2) this would be their only real chance to make change and become the first members of their respective parties “in government” at the federal level. 

Carney would allow the non-Liberals to make their case in expanded cabinet meetings, but then, the parliamentary secretaries would be expected to vote with the coalition in Parliament. 

Being effective even 25 per cent to 50 per cent of the time is better than being ineffective 100 per cent of the time. 

Strategic compromise is what allows local government leaders to keep moving their communities forward. This is Carney’s opportunity to shake things up and take a page from the most nimble and effective level of government in the country.  

Jeremy L. Caradonna is a city councillor and Capital Regional Director in Victoria, B.C. He holds a PhD in History and has worked most of his career as a professor and policymaker.