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The ‘Freeland doctrine’ will be grist for Danielle Smith

Deputy Prime Minister Chrystia Freeland outlined her idea of a new world order earlier this week — and it doesn't exactly line up with Danielle Smith's vision for Alberta, columnist Max Fawcett writes. File photo by Alex Tétreault

Chrystia Freeland is Canada’s minister of finance and deputy prime minister, but it’s on the global stage where she truly shines. The latest example came in a speech she delivered at a Brookings Institution event in Washington, D.C., laying out her vision of the new world order that needs to unfold in the wake of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.

Freeland’s vision revolves around a renewed embrace of democratic alliances and shared economic interests, one that’s backstopped by the so-called “friendshoring” of key supply chains.

“In 1989, we cashed in the peace dividend,” she told the audience. “Today, it is time to buy some war insurance. As Robert Habeck, the German vice-chancellor and federal minister for economic affairs and climate action said last month: 'We must ensure we cannot again be ‘blackmailed.’”

Goldy Hyder, the CEO of the Business Council of Canada, described this as the “Freeland doctrine” and suggested the proof would be in the pipelines. “Can Canada expedite projects, as the prime minister has proposed, while providing regulatory predictability to attract the capital to build much-needed infrastructure?”

That might sound like a golden opportunity for Danielle Smith’s Alberta, which sounds more eager than ever to build as many pipelines in as many different directions as possible. But there’s a bucket of cold water heading Smith’s way here, and it will almost certainly cast an even deeper chill on relations between Alberta and Ottawa.

For all of its noisy talk about oil and gas, the Alberta government has been curiously quiet about the success of its solar energy industry, writes columnist @maxfawcett writes for @NatObserver. #OPINION

That’s because it’s highly unlikely Freeland is actually proposing we help Europe replace one source of fossil fuels with another, regardless of how “ethical” they might be. Yes, she has been supportive of East Coast LNG in the past, but the emphasis in her speech was very clearly on other forms of energy.

“Friendshoring can both defend liberal democracy and help to preserve the planet if one of our primary objectives is to speed up the green transition — together,” she said. “The Canada-Germany Hydrogen Alliance, announced in Newfoundland in August by Prime Minister Trudeau and Chancellor Scholz, is one example of this green friendshoring in action.”

Instead, the “Freeland doctrine” revolves around an even more ambitious and aggressive embrace of cleaner energy — one that’s happening around the world as we speak. Canada can play an important role in that, whether it’s by exporting hydrogen from the East Coast, LNG from the West Coast or extracting the minerals and materials that will be needed to power the growing array of batteries in a decarbonizing world. But major new export pipelines for oil and gas, especially ones that would have to traverse Quebec and other parts of eastern Canada, are almost certainly a thing of the past, not the future.

That future is being rapidly rewritten, not just by Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and the impact it’s having on energy prices but also OPEC’s recent decision to cut oil production against the wishes of the United States and other energy importers. “In its support of Russia’s request for production cuts, OPEC casts itself in a role that will hasten its own demise,” said Amy Myers Jaffe, a professor in the Climate Policy Lab at Tufts University’s Fletcher School. “Anyone who can move away from oil will — national governments, businesses, cities, consumers. OPEC’s actions are simply a nail in a coffin that was already being built.”

That coffin is being built with renewable energy, which continues to get bigger and cheaper by the day. A recent report by analysts at Guggenheim Securities suggested utility-scale solar is now one-third less expensive than gas-fired power, while onshore wind is cheaper still. “Solar and wind now present a deflationary opportunity for electric supply costs,” the analysts said, which “supports the case for economic deployment of renewables across the U.S.” The recently signed Inflation Reduction Act, which will put $369 billion to work in clean energy and low-carbon technology through an array of incentives and tax credits, will massively accelerate that deployment.

It’s not just happening in the United States. For all of its noisy talk about oil and gas, the Alberta government has been curiously quiet about the success of its solar energy industry. Back in 2020, the Alberta Electric System Operator forecast it would take until 2041 for the province to reach 1,000 megawatts of installed capacity. Instead, it hit that mark earlier this year — 19 years ahead of schedule. An additional 1,200 megawatts of capacity are expected to come online in the next year, with a further 900 megawatts already approved by the regulator. Wind power is also booming, with 2,500 megawatts of capacity under development across southern Alberta.

You might think that Premier Smith, who has made a point of emphasizing the importance of rural Alberta in her government, would be thrilled by this development. But it’s far more likely she’ll see the ever-expanding reach of renewables and the role they play in the so-called “Freeland doctrine” as a direct threat to her interpretation of Alberta’s economic interests.

This will be further grist for her grievance mill, one she intends to operate 24/7 until the next provincial election. And the clash between her vision of Canada’s long-term prosperity and Freeland’s will almost certainly create another flashpoint between the quasi-separatists in Alberta and the realists in Ottawa.

But make no mistake: the rest of the world is moving forward faster than it ever has before. At some point, the rest of the country is going to stop waiting for Alberta to get the memo.

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